本稿は、偏向的先行硏究の問題点と若者語に關する新たな硏究方法の提案として、『日本俗語大詞典』
に載っている若者語を抽出し、品詞別の特徵とその機能について詳細に考察した硏究である。考察を通じて
次のようなことが明らかになった。 一. 『日本俗語大詞典』の見出し語6323語の內、若者語は1020語で
全體の16.1%を占めており、品詞別には名詞(60.3%)＞動詞(14.3%)＞形容詞(9.5%)＞副詞(8.2%)＞感
動詞(4.8%)＞形容動詞(2.9%)の順であった。二. 名詞若者語の比率が高いのは、イメ-ジの壇達が容易な
イメ-ジ壇達機能、省略表現や「KY語」などで言葉の意味を分かりにくくし、仲間同士にのみ通じるという
隱蔽技能、連帶機能と關係があると思われる。三. 動詞は「る言葉」(40.6%)＞「∼する」形(13.5%)
＞」～「てる」形(9%)＞その他(36.9%)の順であり、ある言葉の省略形や名詞に活用語尾「る」付けて動
詞化した「る言葉」が最も多いのが特徵であると言える。また、「る言葉」の前部の語種を分析した結果、
外來語を省略した「る言葉」が多かったが、これは「る言葉」の主な使用階層が若者であり、その若者が漢
語の使用を敬遠して外來語を言葉遊びの道具、だじゃれの道具として好んで使うことと關係があると言え
る。四. 形容詞若者語の場合、形態や發音が變化した形容詞が全體の33.0%で最も多く、「芋い」『まぶ
い』のような「い言葉」が多いのが特徵であった。これは言語を言葉遊びの道具としてみなす若者の遊び感
覺に起因する結果であると思われる。五. 副詞からは强い造語力を、感動詞は他の音より卽座に出せる
「ア行」の音で始まる言葉が多いのが特徵であった。形容動詞からは反復形の使用で會話にリズムを付けよ
うとする意圖が窺えた。

   This research paper is a careful investigation into the characteristics and f
unctions, according to part of speech, of the slang of the younger generation, l
isted in the Dictionary of Slangs of the Japanese language. This paper works as 
a suggestion to address the issue of bias in previous research and has discovere
d the following facts. 1. Of the 6323 words listed in the Dictionary of Japanes
e Slang, the slang of the younger generation amounts to 1020 words, accounting f
or 16.1%. The order in terms of highest occurrence for parts of speech was Noun 
> Verb > Adjective > Adverb > Exclamation > "Na-" adjective. 2. The percentage o
f nouns is thought to be high because of their ability to convey images, concea
l information to outsiders, and form camaraderie among friends. 3. The order of 
the weighting in Verbs is as follows: "Ru-" Phrase > "Suru-" Phrase > Others. Th
e main characteristics in Verbs are that the "Ru-" Phrase abbreviates certain ph
rases or transforms nouns by attaching "-ru" at the end of words. Another observ
ation was that there were many "-ru" phrases that abbreviated foreign-language-b
ased words. This seems to be related to their use as puns or plays on words. 4. 
As for the adjective slang of the younger generation, words that have had their 
pronunciation transformed comprise the largest segment. A characteristic among t
hese words was that "-i" phrases such as "Imoi" and "Mabui" were the most commo
n. This trend is thought to be a result of the playful nature of the younger gen
eration. 5. In adverbs, the ability to create new phrases was the most importan
t factor. In exclamations, words starting with "a" were the most common. Amon
g "Na-adjectives," the use of repetitive phrases in order to create a sense of r
hythm and cadence seems to have been the intention. Finally, among the others, t
here were many intentionally grammatical misusages and vague or roundabout expre
ssions.

pp.5-26 

   본고에서는 김억의 와카 번역 텍스트인 「순난유주(殉難遺珠)」의 번역대본일 가능성이 있다고 생
각되는 『의렬회천백수(義烈回天百首)』, 『막말애국가(幕末愛國歌)』, 『지사시가집(志士詩歌集)』
을 면밀히 검토해보았다. 그 결과 안타깝게도 「순난유주」의 번역대본을 확정할 수는 없었다. 하지
만 「순난유주」가 『지사시가집』, 특히 『지사시가집』에 수록되어 있는 『순난전집』으로부터 큰 
영향을 받았다는 것은 명확하게 확인할 수 있었다. 즉 『순난전집』에는 ‘순난(殉難)’이라는 한자어
가 나오고, 게다가 『순난전집』에는 ‘순난유초(殉難遺草)’라는 것도 실려 있기 때문이다. 김억의 
와카 번역 텍스트인 「순난유주」와 ‘순난유초’는 자의 면에서 겹친다. 또한 「순난유주」와 『지사
시가집』사이에는 중복되는 와카도 적지 않았다. 이 사실은 김억이 「순난유주」를 발표할 때, ‘순난
유초’가 수록되어 있는 『지사시가집』을 많이 참조했다는 것을 말해준다. 따라서 우리는 『지사시가
집』을 검토함으로써 「순난유주」의 성격을 살펴볼 수 있다. 그리고 이것이 본고의 목적이다. 후지
타 토쿠타로는 『지사시가집』의 서문에서 이 책의 편찬 취지와 간행 의도에 대해 언급하고 있다. 요
컨대 『지사시가집』의 편찬 취지와 간행 의도는 막부 말기에 ‘존왕양이’를 내걸었던 우국지사라고 
미화된 인물들의 와카를 통해 그들의 정신과 마음가짐을 현재 진행 중인 대동아전쟁에 프로파간다로 활
용하여 제국일본의 신민(臣民)을 ‘순국’하도록 하는 데 있었다. 그리고 김억은 이런 취지와 의도를 
가진 ‘내지’에서 출간된 『지사시가집』에 강한 영향을 받으면서 ‘외지’인 식민지 조선에 막부 말
기의 와카 번역 텍스트인 「순난유주」를 발표했다. 하지만 김억은 『지사시가집』을 발췌하여 그냥 
그대로 조선어로 옮기지 않았다. 그렇게 할 수도 있었을 텐데 말이다. 그는 『지사시가집』의 편찬 취
지와 간행 의도를 계승하면서도 거기에 자신이 선정한 와카를 추가하여 ‘새로운’ 막부 말기의 와카 
텍스트 겸 와카 번역 텍스트인 「순난유주」를 완성했다. 그렇기 때문에 「순난유주」에는 『지사시가
집』에 나오지 않는 인물이 7명 등장하고, 『지사시가집』과 중복되는 인물이라 하더라도 동일 작가
의 다른 와카도 소개되어 있었던 것이다.

   This study thoroughly investigated Giretukaitenhyakusyu, Bakumatuaikokuka, an
d Sisisikasyu to analyze the translated script of Zyunanyuizyu, Kim Eok’s trans
lation of waka, a form of Japanese poetry. Unfortunately, it was not able to con
firm the translated script of Zyunanyuizyu. It was determined with certainty, ho
wever, that Zyunanyuizyu was influenced by Sisisikasyu (especially by Zyunanzens
yo). For example, the Sino-Korean word “Zyunan” was found in Zyunanzensyo. In 
addition, Zyunanisou was included in Zyunanzensyo. Zyunan- yuizyu and Zyunaniso
u are matched in literally. In addition, quite a few waka were matched between Z
yunanyuizyu and Sisisikasyu, which means that Kim Eok referred to Sisisikasyu, w
here Zyunanisou was written a lot when writing Zyunanyuizyu. Therefore, this stu
dy attempted to determine the characteristics of Zyunanyuizyu by reviewing Sisis
ikasyu. Fujita Tokutaro mentioned the intention and purpose of the publication i
n the preface of Sisisikasyu. For example, Sisisikasyu was published with the go
al of making the people of the Empire of Japan willing to sacrifice their lives 
for their country in the Pacific War through the waka in which people were beaut
ified as martyrs during the late Tokugawa period under the slogan “Sonnouzyou
i.” With a huge inspiration from Sisisikasyu published by Naiti with the said p
urpose and intention, Kim Eok published Zyunanyuizyu, a translated text of waka 
in the colonial Joseon during the late Tokugawa period. He did not just cite an
d translate Sisisikasyu into Korean, even though he had been permitted to do onl
y that if he had wished. He referred to Sisisikasyu and added the waka he had ch
osen. As a result, the translated text during the late Tokugawa period, “Zyunan
yuizyu,” was finally completed. As a result, seven people who were not mentione
d in Sisisikasyu appear in Zyunanyuizyu. Even for those characters that had com
e from Sisisikasyu, the author’s other waka were introduced.

pp.27-50 

   일본에 있어 중세라는 시대는 전란으로 상징되는 시대이다. 덴구(天狗)는 이와 같은 불안한 시대상
을 배경으로 맹위를 떨쳤다. 본 논문에서는 중세에 새롭게 만들어진 일본만의 독특한 사후 세계인 덴
구도와 빙의를 중심으로 중세 덴구의 특징을 고찰하였다. 덴구도는 지옥과도 같은 고통이 있는 곳으
로 중세인들은 사후 덴구도에 떨어지는 것을 두려워했다. 덴구도에는 인간세계처럼 선과 악이 존재하
는가 하면 위계질서, 즉 서열의 높고 낮음도 있다고 여겨졌다. 덴구도에 떨어진 덴구는 자신의 선택
에 따라 불법(佛法)을 수호할 수도, 그리고 방해할 수도 있다. 덴구도는 전체적인 틀로 보았을 때 불
교의 윤회사상 안에 있지만 여러 가지 면에서 일본 특유의 사후세계를 보여준다고 할 수 있다. 생전
의 정치력이 사후 세계에 반영되는 것은 불교의 천마(天魔)와는 다른 일본 특유의 독특한 생각이 아
닐 수 없다. 세상을 어지럽힐 수 있는 힘을 가진 중세 덴구의 탄생은 고승에 의해 간단히 진압되는 이
전 시대 덴구로부터의 질적 변화를 의미한다. 그리고 이와 같은 변화를 통해 덴구는 군키모노가타리
(軍記物語)의 새로운 주인공이 될 수 있었다. 중세 덴구는 환술과 빙의라는 형식을 통해 인간에게 접
근하는데 이 중에서 빙의는 강력한 덴구의 탄생에 중요한 역할을 하였다. 정치적 영향력을 가지고 있
는 주요 인사에게 빙의하여 그 사람의 마음을 장악함으로써 혼란을 초래하는 것이 난세를 만들기 위해 
덴구가 주로 사용한 방식이다. 그래서 중세 덴구담은 종교적 이야기이면서 동시에 정치적 색깔을 띠
고 있는 경우가 많다. 이것 또한 천마와는 다른 중세 덴구의 특징이라고 할 수 있다. 

   There were many wars in the Middle Ages in Japan. Japanese in the Middle Age
s felt anxiety about the future, but they found relief in religion-Buddhism. Ten
ma demanded that people master Buddhist doctrines. Tengu, which is a Japanese de
mon and is similar to Tenma, did active work in the Middle Ages. They believed t
hat in Tengudo unreligious people were reborn after death. According to Buddhis
t teachings, all living beings are trapped in the eternal cycle of birth, deat
h, and rebirth, and Tengudo was a unique Japanese afterlife. Japanese in the Mid
dle Ages thought there were sufferings like hell, but that there was hierarchy, 
too. And people who followed Tengudo thought that there were both good Tengus an
d evil Tengus. A good Tengu could be delivered from its worldly existence, and e
vil Tengus would suffer hell. Tengudo is thus similar to human society. Through 
possession, a Tengu could grow into a heavyweight demon. Tengu was the symbol o
f chaos; they liked chaos. And if an important person like Tenno or Shyogun wer
e possessed by Tengu, Japan would become dangerous. In Monogatari, Tengu made ch
aos in this way. Originally, Tengu possessed a religious background, not a polit
ical one. After the Middle Ages, though, Tengu became political demons. Having 
a political background was a distinct feature of Medieval Tengu. 

pp.51-73 

   지난 세기와 마찬가지로 현재 21세기 동아시아 지역은 끊임없는 대립과 갈등의 장이라는 사실에는 
변함이 없다. 따라서 동아시아 지역공동체 연구는 각 국의 이해와 소통이 무엇보다도 선행되어야 할 
중요한 당면과제임은 분명하다. 이러한 분위기 속에서 동아시아 지역의 협력에 관한 논의는 다양한 측
면에서 논의되어 왔지만, 대부분 정치와 경제, 안보문제만이 주요한 테마로 인식되어 오는데 그치고 
있었던 것이 현실이었다. 진정한 의미의 동아시아 지역공동체의 화합과 상생을 이루기 위한 움직임으
로, 문화를 바탕으로 하는 동아시아 지역공동체 문화 네트워크 구축은 어느 때보다 요구되는 상황이
다. 따라서 본고에서는 일본에서 제기되고 있는 동아시아 지역공동체에 관한 논의들을 중심으로 과거
로부터 현재로 이어지는 그 발자취를 되돌아보면서, 일본이 내세우는 그들의 구상의 한계성을 분석하
고자 하였다. 이를 통하여 일본이 동아시아 지역공동체에서 한계성을 극복할 수 있는 대안으로 먼저 
동아시아 문화담론에 주목하였다. 그리고 앞으로의 동아시아 지역공동체 간의 실질적인 문화 네트워크
를 구현할 수 있는 일본의 역할과 가능성에 대하여 모색하고자 하였다.

   The 21st century East Asian community is unchanged from that of the last cent
ury-a chapter of endless confrontation and conflict. Therefore, in East Asia com
munity research, understanding of each country and communication are most import
ant areas. In this atmosphere, discussions on cooperation in East Asia have bee
n held in various aspects. But mainly political, economic, and security issues h
ave been the ones recognized as major themes. To achieve true harmony and coexis
tence among those of the East Asia community it is necessary to consider cultur
e as the basis. Thus, East Asia community cultural networking is something that 
is needed more than ever. Therefore, this paper focused on the debate on the Eas
t Asia community that is being raised in Japan from the past, looking back the f
ootsteps leading to the present, is to analyze the limitations of their concepti
on. Through this, in Japan as an alternative to overcome the limitations in the 
East Asian Community First, This paper focused on East Asia culture discourse. a
nd Between the East Asia Community, To realize a substantial cultural network wa
s to explore the role and potential of Japan.

pp.75-94

   本論文は、1990年代後半以降、バックラッシュ派と言われている反フェミニズム側の保守運動の政治的
な力と言說によって、ジェンダ-論及びフェミニズムに對する歪曲.流言(フェミニズムの「害毒と惡玉
視」)が擴大再生産されてきたことを明らかにし、その言說(1999～2006)の中でも性をめぐる主たる論点
(主張)とその思想的特性について考察したものである。具體的には、性(性別.性の多樣性)をめぐる言說に
ついて、「男女二分法のイデオロギ」「同性愛者嫌惡」「女莊家(オカマの授業)」「自己弁護論」「破壞
否定論」「男女平等との分離論」「女性蔑視.詭弁.ルサンチマン視」「陰謀論」というキ-ワ-ドでまとめ
た。とくに重要な論点であるのは、男女二分法と「男らしさ.女らしさ」に代表される「本質主義」「生理
的宿命」論に基づく固定的な性別役割分業と性別特性論であり、「性の多樣性」を否定することで、性的マ
イノリティ、多樣な家族と生き方に對する差別がその根底に蠶んでいると分析した。バックラッシュ言說に
は、各人の人券意識やジェンダ-平等意識が欠如している主張が多かったにもかかわらず、こうした言說が
一部で浸透してしまったのは何故か。ここでは、①とんでもない俗論であっても分かりやすい言葉で說明し
ている点、②俗論であっても社會的通念に訴えかけたものである点(「秩序.規範」「壇統.文化」「家族.
家庭」など)、③フェミニストは男女關係を敵對關係として捉えたと歪曲する論法、④「ジェンダ-フリ-
は」「性差否定」であると決めつけた論法、⑤人クのエリ-ト.知識人への反發を利用して「フェミニズム
＝ルサンチマン」視を廣げたこと、などを指摘した。

   This paper sheds light on how from the 1990s onward the distortions of and ru
mors about gender studies and feminism (views about feminism being harmful and p
oisonous) produced by the discourse of the antifeminist conservative movement kn
own as the backlash group expanded and reproduced. It studies the main points o
f discussion around the question of gender as well as its ideological characteri
stics in that discourse (1999-2006). Specifically, this discourse about gender 
(sex distinction and gender variance) was arranged around the following key word
s and phrases: the ideology of the male-female dichotomy; homophobia; cross-dres
sers (lessons from gay men); theories of self-justification; theories of denial 
and destruction; gender equality and segregation; misogyny, feminist sophisms, a
nd feminist resentment; and conspiracy theories. What is especially important ar
e the issues of the differentiation of roles and special characterization of gen
der based on theories of “essentialism” and the “biological mission” as repre
sented in the male-female dichotomy and “manliness-womanliness.” Because thes
e deny gender variance, analysis was performed to determine how discrimination t
oward sexual minorities and diverse families and lifestyles hides in it. Why is 
it that the discourse of backlash has partially penetrated even though the lack 
of awareness of individual human rights and gender equality has often been note
d? That leads to identification of the next factors. First, although the discour
se expresses gross and commonplace views, it explains them using easy-to-underst
and language. Second, it resorts to generally accepted ideas (“order and rul
e,” “tradition and culture,” “family and home,” etc.). Third, the distorted l
ogic of saying that feminists think of the relationship between men and women a
s a hostile relationship. Fourth, the assertion that “gender free” means “deni
al of sexual differentiation”; and fifth, the spreading of the view that identi
fies feminism with resentment, making use of the reaction against elites and int
ellectuals. 

pp.95-122

   금년은 광복과 해방 또는 국교정상화의 어느 측면에서도 주시할만한 해이다. 단, 역사교과서문제
를 생각할 때 국교정상화보다는 진정한 의미의 해방을 맞고 있는지에 대해 자문하게 된다. 다시 말
해, 해방 70년을 맞아 역사교과서문제에 있어 식민지배의 심장부였던 조선총독부가 구현하려 했던 조
선총독부역사교과서의 실상과 내포된 의도가 어떤 것인지를 제대로 파헤치고 있는지, 더 나아가 극복
해내고 있는지, 썩 자신이 없다. 근래의 우리 사회의 역사에 대한 논의 수준은 아직 완전한 해방 단계
에 까지 미치고 있다고 자신하기 어려운 부분이 있다고 생각하기 때문이다. 한편 역사교과서에 얽힌 
한국 측의 바람은 ‘전후 70년’을 맞이하는 일본에도 요구되는 공통된 과제일 것이다. 1945년 이후 
지금까지 일본에서는 히로히토 천황의 ‘성단’을 어떻게 이해하는 가에 따라, 1945년을 ‘패전’ 혹
은 ‘종전’으로 볼 수도 있고, 그 이전과의 ‘단절’ 혹은 ‘연속’을 이야기 할 수도 있기 때문이
다. 또한 아베 신조정권의 3기 내각출범(2014년 12월 24일)에 이르는 과정에서 보이는 역사교과서
의 문제는 일본인에게도 완전한 해방의 도래 여부를 묻고 있는 것은 아닌가 생각하게 된다. 

   The year 2015 is a noteworthy year from the independence, liberation, and nor
malization of diplomatic relations aspects. However, the author of this paper as
ks whether the true sense of liberation is embraced, rather than just the normal
ization of diplomatic relations, when it comes to the history textbook issue. I
n other words, the author is not confident about whether the Korean people, in m
emory of the 70th anniversary of liberation, properly identify with the truth an
d implied intention of the Government-General of Joseon, which was the core of J
apanese colonial rule, in the history textbook issue, and also whether we are ov
ercoming such an issue. The reason is that the author thinks that our society ha
s yet to embrace complete liberation in terms of a discussion level on history. 
The desires of Korea regarding history textbooks may be the common task require
d within Japan when it embraces the 70th anniversary of Korea``s liberation fro
m Japanese colonial rule, as well. Japan may regard 1945 as the year of defeat i
n the war or as the year of the end of the war, depending on how they understan
d the sacred decision of Japanese Emperor Hirohito in Japan from 1945 to the pre
sent, or they may talk about severance or succession. The author believes that t
he history textbook issue in the launching process of the Shinzo Abe regime``s t
hird cabinet (December 24, 2014) seems to ask the Japanese whether complete libe
ration has arrived. 

pp.123-148

   본 논문에서는 이즈미류교겐 중에서 최고(最古)의 대본과 비교적 늦은 시기의 대본을 대상으로 하
여 가능표현 형식의 이동(異同) 및 의미에 관해 검토했다. 구체적으로는 『天理本狂言六義』 『新撰狂
言集』 『和泉流狂言大成』에서 사용되는 주요 가능표현을 분석함으로써 중세 일본어에서 근세 일본어
까지의 일본어 가능표현의 변천 과정을 파악하는 데에 주안점을 두었다. 일본어의 가능형식은 상대(上
代)에서 중고(中古), 중세(中世), 근세(近世)에 이르기까지 각 시대마다 형식의 소장(消長)이 주목
되는데, 특히 중세일본어에서 다종다양한 가능표현이 사용되고 있다는 점에서 연구사적으로 큰 의미
를 지닌다. 이에 본 논문에서는 대본이라는 언어자료를 통해 중세일본어의 대표적인 가능형식인 「え+
부정」,「V.연체형+ことがなる/N+がなる」, 「V.미연형+るる.らるる」가 어떻게 사용되고 있고, 어
떤 가능의 의미를 실현하고, 어떤 유형의 구문을 취하고 있는지에 관해 검토를 행했다. 그 결과, 
「え+부정」과 「V.연체형+ことがなる/N+がなる」형식이 쇠퇴하고, 「V.미연형+るる.らるる」형식
이 증가하는 변화상을 제시하고 변화의 요인에 관한 소견을 피력했다. 

   In this study, variations in possibility expressions as well as the significa
nce of these variations are selected and analyzed from the oldest and relativel
y late script of Izumiryukyougen (和泉流狂言). To be specific, the main objectiv
e is to provide an understanding of the transition stages in Japanese possibilit
y expressions by examining the major possibility sentences from 『Tenribon (天理
本)』, 『Izumiryukyougentaisebon (和泉流狂言大成本)』, and 『Shinsenkyougenshubon 
(新贊狂言集本)』. It is notable that Japanese expressions of possibility demonstra
te an ebb and flow over time, from ancient times to modern ages, and in particul
ar, the diversity found in the Middle Ages is worth studying. This study examine
s how the representative forms of possibility in the middle ages-「e+denial」, 
「ⅵruru.raruru」, 「ⅵkotoga naru/N+ga naru」- are used, what significance they h
ave, and what structure they build through the script used. Through this proces
s, the causes of the decline in 「e+denial」「ⅵkotoga naru/N+ga naru」 and the i
ncrease in 「ⅵruru.raruru」are also studied. 

pp.149-169 

   본 연구는 일본인 및 한국인 일본인 공저에 의해 저술된 한일 양국어 학습서를 대상으로 그 편제와 
구성 및 내용의 분석을 통해 당시 한국어와 일본어의 문법과 그 체계가 어떠한 양상으로 기술되어 있는
지 살펴본 것이다. 19세기 말 갑오개혁을 전후한 개화기 이전과 이후부터 20세기 초 전기(前記) 현
대 한국어로 진입하는 시기까지의 한국어 문법 체계와 당시 일본어 문법의 경향을 함께 살펴보는 동시
에 일본어 문법의 영향이 한국어에 어떻게 반영, 투영되었는지 알아봄으로써 근현대 한일어의 교섭과 
접촉의 일면을 밝히는데 일조하고자 한다. 이번 연구를 통해 알게 된 사항은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 寶
迫繁勝는 『韓語入門』과 『日韓善隣通話』를 통해 한국어 학습에 있어서 문법을 강조하는 경향을 보인
다. 이러한 경향은 인구어의 문법체계와 일본어 문법 용어의 병용(竝用)을 통해 한국어 문법을 체계화
하려는 모습으로 나타나고 있다. 둘째, 『日韓善隣通話』는 전통적인 한글 자모 체계와 맞지 않으
며, 일본어의 ‘50音圖’식으로 한국어 발음을 나타내려는 의도가 보인다. 이와 함께 방언과 경어에 
대한 소개와 나름의 체계화도 보이고 있다. 셋째, 『單語連語日話朝雋』은 한국인 대상 일본어 학습서
로서 문법적인 관점에서의 기술은 많지 않지만, 일본어 언어 체계에 대한 깊은 이해를 통해 적절하게 
한국어에 적용하고 구현하였다. 『捷解新語』와 유사한 형식적 잉여성과 띄어쓰기, 적절한 번역과 쉬
운 표현의 사용도 주목할 만하다. 넷째, 『實用韓語學』은 현대 한일 양국어 문법의 초기 확립기에 나
타나는 여러 가지 양상을 관찰할 수 있으며 1880년 최초의 한국어 학습서와 비교하여 20여년 사이에 
일본어 안에서의 문법 및 문체 변화에 나타난 과도기적 성향이 적지 않게 반영되어있음을 알 수 있
다. 

   This study has been conducted based on Korean and Japanese study books for th
e Japanese language (includes co-authors of the Korean and Japanese). By studyin
g the organization, composition, and content of said materials, the aim is to ex
amine the aspects in which the grammar and systems of the Korean and Japanese la
nguages took influences from each other at the time. By researching materials fr
om the Korean Enlightenment, which took place from before until after the late-1
9th-century Gabo Reform, to the early 20th century and all the way up to the for
mation of modern Korean, the study focuses on the Korean grammar system and the 
aspects of Japanese grammar of the time and tries to decipher how the influence 
of Japanese grammar is reflected in the Korean language. By doing so, the study 
attempts to shed light on how the connection and contact between modern-age Kore
an and Japanese work today. The results of the study are as follow. First, throu
gh 『韓語入門』 and 『日韓善隣通話』, seems to have a tendency to emphasize grammar 
in Korean learning. This kind of tendency seems to have been brought about becau
se of efforts to systemize Korean grammar through a combination of the Indo-Euro
pean grammar system and Japanese grammar terminology. Secondly, 『日韓善隣通話』 d
oes not correctly present the traditional Hangul alphabet system but instead pre
sents Korean pronunciation using the Japanese ‘50音圖’ method. In addition to t
his, the text has its own way of systemizing dialects and honorifics when introd
ucing them in the text. Thirdly, as a study material of Japanese for Koreans, 
『單語連語日話朝俊』 does not offer much from a grammatical aspect, but instead thr
ough the fundamental understanding of the Japanese language system it helps the 
reader to apply and realize the language through Korean. Similarities with the f
ormality redundancy and spacing as well as use of appropriate translations and e
asy-to-understand expressions as in 『捷解新語』 are also worthy of note. Fourthl
y, 『實用韓語學』 can provide us with observations of different aspects from the e
arly period of the establishment of modern Japanese and Korean grammar. It compa
res the first Korean study materials from 1880, and one can get the idea, howeve
r slight, that the transitional inclination that is reflected in the changes in 
Japanese grammar and writing style in 20 years was significant. 

pp.171-201

   現代では國語敎育と兒童文學とは密接な關係にあると見られているが、石森延男は國語敎育と兒童文學
とのギャップを埋め、雙方を近づけるのに大きな役割を果たしている。石森が國語敎育者であると同時に兒
童文學者にもなったのは、1926年に滿洲(嚴密に言えば關東州)の大連で在滿日本人小學生たちのための國
語補充敎科書『滿洲補充讀本』の編纂に從事することになって以來である。彼は正味13年間の大連在住中
に、精力的に創作活動をすると同時に、仲間を糾合して滿洲兒童文學運動のカリスマ的リ-ダ-となった。1
939年に歸過すると彼は國定國語敎科書の編纂に從事すると同時に、長編滿洲兒童文學を次ケと發表する。
こうした仕事は彼の戰後の國語敎育や兒童文學活動にもつながっている。石森の滿洲兒童文學は滿洲(中國
東北部)の大地に基づきながらも、主として在滿日本人の生活を中心にヒュ-マニスチックな溫かいタッチ
で描いている。しかし壓倒的多數の(當時滿人と呼ばれた)中國人はあまり登場せず、また彼等を見つめ、
その生活を寫生風に描いても、その社會的背景を掘り下げようとはしていない。それは石森が唱える「滿洲
鄕土論」における植民地主義を認識し、克服しえていないためであるといえよう。この点をめぐって筆者
と、三人の若い硏究者の間で、膨大な石森の文學的遺産の中からそれぞれ異なった局面を取り上げて論評し
ているが、そこには期せずしてある協動作業が行われていたかのように見える。このような協動の今後の可
能性と發展に期待したい。

   Today it is generally expected in Japan that Kokugo Kyoiku (Japanese languag
e education, esp. in elementary school) and children’s literature be closely re
lated. In this sense, Ishimori Nobuo (1897-1987) contributed greatly to bridgin
g the gap between Japanese language education and children’s literature and bro
ught both sides closer to each other. He became a Japanese-language educator as 
well as a children’s literature writer while he was engaged in compilation of M
anshu Hojutokuhon (Manchurian Sub-reader), the Japanese-language supplementary t
extbook for Japanese elementary schoolchildren residing in Manchuria, including 
Guandong (關東州). During his stay in Dalian for 13 years, he wrote many great st
ories for children and published children’s magazines energetically, all while 
organizing those teachers who were devoted to writing children’s stories, thus 
becoming a charismatic leader of the Manchurian children’s literature movemen
t. In 1939 he was called back to Tokyo by the Ministry of Education to engage i
n the compilation of a new elementary Japanese language textbook, and at the sam
e time he published voluminous works of Manchurian children’s literature, one a
fter another. After WWII he energetically continued both of his activities-thos
e of Japanese language educator and children’s story writer-although there rema
ined no more tint of Manchuria. While Ishimori``s Manchurian children’s literat
ure is based on the area of Manchuria (northeast China), it is mainly centered o
n the lives of Japanese residents in Manchuria, written with a warm and humane t
ouch. However, the Chinese people (generally called Manjin), who were the overwh
elming majority there, seldom appear in his works, and even if he talks about th
em, he gazes at them and draws their lives on the surface in the style of sketch
ing, daring not to delve into their social background. It can be said that this 
is because of the unconquerable colonialism in the Manshu Kyodoron (Manchuria ho
metown theory), which Ishimori advocated. Recently, three young researchers hav
e taken up and discussed some aspects of Ishimori``s huge literary legacy, and i
t is clear that a certain “collaboration” has unexpectedly been carried out be
tween this writer and those three young researchers involving this point. This w
riter sincerely looks forward to the future possibility and further development 
of such collaboration. 

pp.203-230

   한국의 대일 청구권자금의 명목과 금액이 1962년 김종필ㆍ오히라 회담에서 타결되었지만, 청구권
자금 도입의 세부 항목에 관한 협상은 1965년 6월 한일회담 관련 제 협정이 타결될 때까지 계속되었
다. 일본정부는 청구권자금의 세부 항목으로 일본이 생산하는 자본재를 주로 제공하려고 했고, 한국정
부는 당시 국내 경제상황에 절대로 필요했던 원화자금을 조성하기 위해 가능한 원자재를 확보하려고 했
다. 이러한 한국의 요구는 일본경제에 불리한 것이었고, 일본정부가 동남아시아 국가들에게 제공했던 
전후 배상의 방식과도 어긋난 것이었다. 그러나 한국정부는 일본정부를 상대로 국내자금의 조성과 원
자재 도입의 필요성을 끈질기게 설득했고, 그 결과 1억 5천불 이상의 원자재를 도입하는 것에 합의했
고, 원자재의 가공수출까지도 인정받았다. 이러한 원자재가 도입되면서 1976년까지 한국정부가 확보
한 원화자금은 1,642억원에 달했고, 달러로 환산하면, 4억 4천 5백만불에 달했다.

   The Korea-Japan negotiations concerning Korea``s detailed property claims aga
inst Japan continued from when Kim Jong-pil and Ohira held talks in November 196
2 until an agreement was reached at the Korea-Japan Normalization Talks in June 
1966. The Japanese government wanted to provide Japanese capital goods such as m
achinery and facilities in the subdivisions of Korea``s property claims. But th
e Korean government demanded raw materials and things that would be of great adv
antage to Korea economically and that would enable it to raise the much-needed d
omestic funds required to proceed with economic development. The demands of Kore
a were consequently unfavorable to the Japanese economy and its exporters; and i
t was a departure from the post-war compensation methods by which Japan had inde
mnified East Asian countries. Korean negotiators did their utmost to explain th
e necessity for domestic funds and persuade Japanese negotiators. As a result, K
orea-Japan arranged for the provision of raw materials and goods worth 150 milli
on dollars, and Japan also agreed to an improvement in trade in these products. 
Ultimately, the domestic funds that the Korean government raised by making full 
use of these amounted to 445 million dollars by 1976.

pp.231-252

   本稿は「高校生川柳」を對象として、「語彙」と「主題」という觀点から、今を生きる日本の高校生の
言語表現の特徵を分析し、彼らの胸の內に映じた心象風景の一端を描き出そうとした。その結果、まず語彙
という觀点では「母」が最も多く用いられており、そのほか、家族と自分に觀する語彙、季節.天候に關す
る語彙、家族以外の身近な人ケに關する語彙、情意的語彙、言語表現に關する語彙など、多樣な語彙に樣ケ
な意味や心情を託し、巧みな比喩や諷刺, ユ-モアなどを用いて、自らの心の懊にある世界觀を見事に表現
していた。また、主題という觀点では、勉强.受驗に關する內容が最も多くを占めたが、そのほかにも學校
生活や家族との關係、日常生活から社會問題におよぶまで、多岐にわたる分野の事柄を題材としており、彼
らの關心の幅廣さが表れていた。そして、作品全般を通して、樣ケな現實の課題に腦みながらも、夢を持っ
て一步一布、懸命に生きる日本の高校生の樣子が、生き生きと描かれていた。

   The aim of this study was to analyze the characteristics of the vocabulary us
ed by Japanese high school students in modern society, centering on “High Schoo
l Students’ senryu,” and imagined scenery. With respect to vocabulary, the resu
lts of the analysis showed that the most commonly used word was “mother,” and 
other frequently used vocabulary included words that were related to one’s fami
ly and oneself, weather and seasons, people around oneself other than one’s fam
ily, as well as sentimental words and words related to linguistic expressions. S
tudents used diverse vocabulary to convey various meanings and sentiments and ev
en used figure of speech, satire, and humor to express their worldviews. The mos
t common theme, on the other hand, was related to studying and college entranc
e. Other common themes were school life, family relationships, and social issue
s. A wide range of themes were touched upon, showing that the students had broa
d interests. In all of the works, it was revealed that the students were strivin
g toward their dreams despite the various real challenges and issues they were d
ealing with.

pp.253-282

   본 연구의 목적은 일본 벤처산업의 현황 및 정책을 혁신생태계를 중심으로 고찰하고, 이를 통하여 
한국에 대한 정책적 시사점을 도출하는 것이다. 일본의 경우 과거 세 차례의 벤처 붐이 있었고 오늘
날 아베노믹스의 영향으로 네 번째 벤처 붐이 형성되려는 움직임이 나타나고 있다. 한편 한국은 최근 
제2차 벤처 붐의 형성을 통해서 산업의 신진대사를 활성화시킬 필요가 있다. 본 연구는 먼저 일본 벤
처산업에 관한 기존연구를 고찰하고, 본 연구의 분석틀을 제시하였다. 그 다음 일본 벤처산업의 개요
를 산업의 발전과정, 정책 방향 등을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 그리고 일본의 대학, 공적연구기관, 대기
업 그리고 관련 정부정책이 벤처 창업에 어떠한 역할을 해 왔는지를 살펴보았다. 이러한 고찰을 통하
여 본 연구는 한국에 대한 정책적 시사점으로 지속적인 벤처산업 지원 강화 정책의 필요성, 벤처기업 
중요성에 대한 교육의 필요성, 대학발 벤처에 대한 구체적 정책 수립의 필요성, 벤처산업 활성화에 있
어서의 공적연구기관 활용의 필요성, 대기업과 벤처기업 연계 강화의 필요성 등을 제시하였다. 마지
막 부분에서는 본 연구를 요약하고 향후 연구과제에 대해 고찰하였다.

   The purposes of this article are to review the current situation and governme
nt policies of the Japanese venture industry focusing on the innovation ecosyste
m and to derive policy implications for the Korean government. While there have 
already been three venture booms in Japan-with a fourth about to emerge-Korean s
ociety needs to revitalize its industry structure by establishing a possible sec
ond venture boom. This article at first reviewed existing researches on the Japa
nese venture industry and suggested an analytical framework. Then, it provided a
n overview of the Japanese venture industry, mainly focusing on the industry’s 
evolution process and the direction of government policy. In addition, it review
ed how universities, public research institutes, large firms, and related govern
ment policies had contributed to the creation of ventures in Japan. Through thes
e reviews, this article derived policy implications for the Korean government su
ch as the need for continuing to strengthen policies supporting the venture indu
stry, the need to educate about the importance of ventures, the need to formulat
e detailed policies for university-based ventures, the need to utilize public re
search institutions for the revitalization of the venture industry, and the nee
d to strengthen the network between large firms and ventures. In the final secti
on, a summary of this article and future research topics were mentioned.

pp.283-315 

   探偵小說の父と稱される金來成は、植民地時代、日本の早圖田大學での留學經驗を有している。彼は、
少年時代だけではなく、留學期の日本においても世界及び日本の文學や探偵小說を耽讀し、その造詣も深い
人物である。そして、金來成は留學中に日本語作品「楕円形の鏡」を日本の探偵雜誌『ぷろふいる』に發表
してデビュ-している。金來成の出發点とも言える日本の探偵小說界での經驗は、彼の探偵文學を理解する
上で重要な意味を持っていると考える。本論文では、金來成の日本語創作「楕円形の鏡」や「探偵小說家の
殺人」、そして初期評論を中心にして、それらのテクストに1930年代における日本の探偵小說界の話題が
いかに書きこまれているのかを考察する。とくに「探偵小說家の殺人」における演劇というモチ-フに注目
して、當時の探偵小說界で話題となっていた「本格／變格」論爭や、探偵小說におけるリアリズムに關する
議論が、どのように描かれているのかを明らかにする。

   Kim Nae-sung studied abroad at Waseda University during the colonial period. 
He had a profound knowledge about detective novels as he had enjoyed reading the
m in his youth and devoured Japanese literature and detective novels from all ov
er the world during his studies in Japan. He made his debut as a writer in the J
apanese literary world with his publication An Oval Mirror(1935.3) in the magazi
ne Profuiru(Profile, in English). Thus, the experience of being in the Japanese 
detective literary world, which can be said to be the beginning of his career a
s a detective novelist, is very important for understanding his novels.　This pa
per will contemplate how situations of the Japanese detective novel world were p
ortrayed in the 1930s in his literature, focusing on An Oval Mirror, The Murder 
of a Detective Novelist(1935.12), and his essays. In particular, it will conside
r how the debate over [‘Honkaku(本格)’/ ‘Henkaku(變格’], or realism, which wer
e hot topics within the Japanese detective novel world, is described focusing o
n “play,” the motif of the novel The Murder of a Detective Novelist.　As reeval
uation of Kim Nae-sung has been ongoing not only in Korea, but also in Japan, i
t is necessary to reconsider theories of his literature and his theory of realis
m.

pp.317-344

   本稿では、1930年代における帝都東京と植民地の首都、京城の關係に注目して、考現學的な觀点から書
かれたといわれる堀辰雄の「不器用な天使」と朴泰遠の「小說家仇甫氏の一日」に現れている都市空間表象
を兩作品における遊布者の有樣を中心に比較分析した。さらに、「小說家仇甫氏の一日」における東京經驗
の現れ方を分析することで、植民地輕年における帝都東京の意味を探ることを試みた。「不器用な天使」の
「僕」が東京という都市空間から街景を削除することで、都市を內面化して意識上の空間として再構成して
いるのに對し、「仇甫」における京城は「欲望/生活、日本/朝鮮、物質/精神、近代/前近代」といった樣
ケな境界が存在する空間として描かれている。遊步という行萎は都市空間の中で行われる自己認識の行萎と
しても解釋できるが、「僕」は遊步を通じて東京を完全な私的領域とした上で自己認識を試みていた。一
方、「仇甫」の遊步には東京と京城の間に存在する時間的.意識的咫れを意味する「時差」が現れており、
「仇甫」は「時差」によって生じた京城における樣ケな境界を克服することができずに、京城という都市空
間を私的領域として認識することにも、その空間の中で自己を認識することにも失敗している。植民地輕年
の東京經驗に付隨しているこの「時差」は、植民地が宗主國に抱いている憧憬と、その裏にある自らの限界
の自覺として現れているのである。

   In this paper, I analyzed the representation of urban space in A Clumsy Angel
by Hori Tatsuo and One Day of a Novelist Mr. Gubo by Park Taewon in terms of a f
laneur, which were written from a modernological perspective focusing on the rel
ationship between the imperial capital, Tokyo, and the colonial capital, Gyeongs
eong, in the 1930s. Also, I tried to investigate the meaning of the imperial cap
ital, Tokyo, to Korean young men by analyzing the experiences of Tokyo describe
d in One Day of a Novelist Mr. Gubo. “I” in A Clumsy Angel internalized Tokyo 
and reconstructed it as a space in his consciousness by omitting a description o
f its real streets, while Gyeongseong in One Day of a Novelist Mr. Gubo was desc
ribed as a city that had several boundaries such as desire/life, Japan/Joseon, m
aterialism/mind and modern/premodern times. Flaneuring can be considered as a se
lf-awareness deed performed in an urban space. In the case of “I” in ‘A Clums
y Angel’, he establishes self-awareness after considering Tokyo as a perfectly 
private space through flaneuring. Meanwhile, the flaneuring of ‘Mr. Gubo’ show
s “a time lag,” which means a delay in time and consciousness existent betwee
n Tokyo and Gyeongseong, and ‘Mr. Gubo’ could not cross the several boundarie
s of Gyeongseong generated by “the time lag.” And thereby, ‘Mr. Gubo’ failed 
to cognize an urban space, Gyeongseong, as a private space and to perceive himse
lf in the space. “The time lag” accompanied in the young Korean’s experiences 
of Tokyo is represented as a device which made him recognize his yearning for su
zerainty, Japan, and his own limits behind it. 

pp.345-371